Reflections
on the NYSE and the ‘Grasso Affair’
By
Dwight M. Owsen and Jerry G. Kreuze
JUNE
2005 - Even though the recent events at the New York Stock
Exchange (NYSE) surrounding the departure of Chairman Richard
Grasso raised the possibility of important reforms, the
current and proposed structural changes within the exchange
will be insufficient to reform the institution’s governance.
Notable financial disasters like Enron and WorldCom point
to systemic problems in U.S. financial markets. Moreover,
the approval of Grasso’s pay package, according to
SEC Chairman William Donaldson, “raises
serious questions regarding the effectiveness of the NYSE’s
current governance structure.”
Consequently,
those still under public suspicion in the “Grasso
Affair” must have their activities thoroughly and
publicly aired for their personal benefit and for the benefit
of the financial markets. “Anyone [including members
of the compensation committee and those who supported NYSE
chairman Richard Grasso to the end] who continued to ignore
the responsibilities they were elected to perform should
resign immediately,” said James K. Rutledge, a former
NYSE floor broker.
Excess
Compensation
Grasso
accepted compensation totaling more than $140 million from
the NYSE, which is organized as a nonprofit organization.
Brendan Sullivan, Jr., Grasso’s attorney, argued in
a letter to former NYSE interim chairman John S. Reed that
the former head of the exchange did nothing wrong in accepting
the compensation. He argued that Grasso deserved the compensation
by nearly doubling the number of listed companies and overall
revenue, and accordingly he had no intention of returning
any portion of the compensation. Grasso argued that the
value of a membership seat nearly tripled (from $700,000
to $2 million) during his tenure; the income to seat owners
leasing their seats to others likewise jumped from $100,000
to $300,000. Moreover, under Grasso’s leadership,
the NYSE earned more than $900 million and had more than
$800 million in cash and other liquid assets when the compensation
was awarded.
On
the other hand, Reed and NYSE CEO John Thain have maintained
that Grasso’s pay package was excessive and reportedly
want Grasso to return up to $120 million. New York State
Attorney General Eliot Spitzer has asked a state court judge
to rescind the pay package and to determine a “reasonable”
level of compensation for Grasso. The appropriateness of
his level of compensation, it appears, will be decided in
the courts.
But
let us remember that Grasso was working for a nonprofit
rather than a for-profit organization; that his organization
receives a tax subsidy from the federal government, unlike
for-profit organizations; and that none of his board had
their own money invested as stock in the organization. Also,
in contrast, for-profit executives face the full force of
competition and struggle through a more competitive managerial
environment on the way to the top of their organization.
Nonprofit CEOs rarely face the kind of stockholder suits
or stockholder voting revolts that happen when owners have
their own money at stake. Stakeholder lawsuits against management
and board members claiming economic loss frequently can
be substantiated for for-profit organizations. Moreover,
these organizations often pay substantial amounts of corporate
income taxes, providing the necessary funds for the infrastructure
needed for businesses to operate profitably.
The
appropriateness of this compensation level must also be
analyzed in relationship to the NYSE’s regulatory
role. By not being subject to an outside agency, the NYSE
arguably retains the initiative to control its own regulation
by those most informed about its problems. A conflict of
interest can occur, of course, when the leaders of the organizations
whose activities are regulated are also on the compensation
board that determines the pay of the chief regulator. This
situation allows skeptics to contend that NYSE board members
can “buy” the leadership of the NYSE. New York
State Comptroller Alan Hevesi has said that “when
an official is paid an extraordinary amount of money by
those he is supposed to regulate, there is an obvious conflict
of interest.”
Nevertheless,
as dangerous as this overcompensation scheme was as a precedent
for similar future incidents, the related public perception
that insiders are controlling the NYSE and are being targeted
for prosecution may well adversely affect the stock prices
of NYSE-traded companies. Certainly, compensation that the
public would perceive as excessive for the head of a nonprofit
organization can only feed this skepticism.
Reaction
to a Malefactor
Frequently,
for-profit businesses allow alleged malefactors to quietly
leave employment, then develop structural firewalls and
safeguards to ensure that the problem, even if only perceptional,
does not recur. These proactive measures provide an important
visible precedent that business leaders are not to be prosecuted
for personal “mistakes.” This idea also perpetuates
the culture supporting corporate leadership. In contrast,
nonprofit organizations have greater accountability to the
public. Because nonprofit organizations are funded directly
by the public or indirectly through tax advantages, they
have a heightened public responsibility. Consistent with
this accountability concern, Hevesi further maintained that
“it would not be enough to change the leadership of
the NYSE without implementing reforms that will ensure the
exchange is an effective regulator and leader in corporate
America.” The
problem with allowing an individual to quietly leave and
then developing safeguards after the fact is that certain
individuals seeking to maximize opportunities for self-enrichment
see little deterrent in these policies. With certain behaviors
exempt from penalty other than the loss of position, retirement-seeking
CEOs may be tempted to seek a last-minute windfall. Those
potential malefactors may be only too willing to provide
unspecified services that the public perceives as selectively
unprosecutable by those being regulated, in exchange for
significant career-exiting gains.
Enhanced
Investigations Are Essential
To
rectify these perceptions and repair the reputation of the
NYSE, hearings should be held by legislative committees
to fully uncover and document the relevant details in the
hopes of minimizing future incidents. This investigative
process will send a message that should be understood by
potential malefactors in all areas of the securities markets.
Strict penalties are important, because social psychologists
warn that such potential malefactors assess only what punishments
actually occur and not rhetoric. Only when Grasso and the
board members that provided his extraordinary compensation
are thoroughly investigated, for their own benefit as well
as for the public interest, can the NYSE begin to repair
its reputation. After all, procedures established after
a leadership problem occurs can be systematically dismantled
as soon as memories fade, as illustrated by the savings
and loan debacle of the 1980s.
Fixing
the Problem
A rotten
tone set at the top of an organization usually permeates
to middle and lower levels once it seems that the leadership
has “gotten away with it.” Now may well be time
for the regulatory responsibilities concerning the internal
operations of the financial markets to be removed from the
NYSE. The SEC, the Treasury Department, or the Justice Department
should instead set up shop on the floor of the exchange.
In
the 1970s, Abraham Briloff argued before the Moss and Metcalf
Committees that as long as the leaders in the financial
markets were going to manipulate financial regulation, the
investor might do better by simply dispensing with such
regulation. On the other hand, Gabriel Kolko, a leading
historian of politics and warfare, argues that it was the
financial industry itself that asked for financial regulation
in order to assuage the fears of wealthy investors that
the masses would take their money out of the stock market
and place it in real estate and other investment options.
This regulatory process has been in place since shortly
after the 1929 stock market crash because of public revelations
of corruption in the financial markets. The financial industry
has a history of giving in to outside regulators only when
necessary to placate worried investors, a reactionary regulatory
process.
Today
more than ever, it would be in the best interests of these
financial institutions to concede more of the regulatory
power remaining with the NYSE to an outside agency—or
to the government—to lower the business risk premium
of investors revealed by the Grasso Affair. Otherwise, the
financial markets will be swimming upstream against a steady
current, until memories of these events fade sufficiently.
Dwight
M. Owsen, ABD, is an instructor of accounting at
Long Island University, Brooklyn, N.Y. Jerry G. Kreuze, PhD,
is professor of accountancy at Western Michigan University.
Readers in responding to this commentary are invited to send
correspondence to owsend@yahoo.com. |